Germany’s overall stance on Israel’s war in Gaza and the West Bank was the occasion to talk on a personal level with Boris Kanzleiter, the director of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation in Athens, when we delivered the Untold documentary, “Tempe The Untold Story”..

As the Luxemburg Foundation is affiliated with the German DIE LINKE, the question concerned the left-wing party’s attitude towards the escalating genocide and ethnic cleansing taking place in Gaza.

Boris’s answers were so interesting that we thought it would be worthwhile to redefine the issue in the form of an interview, so that he could share with us Germany’s attitude towards the Palestinian struggle, but also towards the state of Israel, so that the Greek public could understand why Germany is pursuing such a harsh policy against Palestine.

As for the time frame, the interview took place before the Israel-Iran war broke out and before Chancellor Merts’ unconditional support for Israel.

At the same time, with the interview being bilingual, this is the first time we are translating text in Untold into English, so as not to exclude audiences who are not fluent in Greek, at a time when automatic translations create semantic barriers and disharmony, especially in purely political discourse.

The supression of pro Palestine protestors in Germany

The police crackdown on peaceful pro-Palestine demonstrators appears quite violent (random example: https://x.com/derJamesJackson/status/1923310623263248866). Do the police seem unusually eager to target pro-Palestinian demonstrators? Is this a case of “just following orders,” a typical police behaviour worldwide, or are we witnessing islamophobic reactions cloaked in “police authority”?

Around 200,000 people of Palestinian descent live in Germany — 40,000 of them in Berlin, more than in any other major European city. The horrifying news from Gaza has caused anger, rage, and helplessness, especially since many have lost family members due to the ongoing ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity committed by Israel’s army. Protests and demonstrations occur frequently, joined by people of Arabic or other migrant backgrounds — and, of course, also by Germans.

Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International have long drawn attention to police violence against pro-Palestine protests in Germany. In Berlin, for instance, authorities banned all demonstrations marking Nakba Day as early as 2021. Nakba Day, on May 15, is a key date of remembrance for many Palestinians, commemorating their displacement and expulsion in 1948. The ban continued in subsequent years. Although there was no blanket ban in 2024, numerous cases of police violence were reported during the demonstrations. A massive police presence was deployed to prevent protests from even beginning.

People have lost jobs over social media posts critical of Israel. Speaking out or participating in protests now takes great courage

A major issue is that in Germany, almost all pro-Palestinian statements are now immediately suspected of antisemitism. Mass media and state institutions have aggressively targeted Palestinian migrants, intellectuals, artists, and political activists who protest Israel’s war crimes. Even internationally renowned figures such as sociologist Nancy Fraser and UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese have had public appearances cancelled or disrupted. In this climate, it is possible that police violence exceeds ordinary levels — though there are no reliable statistics. In recent years, police have also acted disproportionately against movements like climate justice, Kurdish rights, and antifascism.

The Holocaust as a factor against Palestine

How much does the Holocaust and the well-documented crimes of the Nazi regime against European Jews influence German foreign policy today? Does Israel have carte blanche from Germany, regardless of its actions toward Palestinians? Is there a red line?

From 1941 to 1945, Nazi Germany and its collaborators murdered six million Jews — about two-thirds of Europe’s Jewish population — primarily through mass shootings and poison gas in extermination camps like Auschwitz-Birkenau and Treblinka. This industrialized mass murder was unprecedented.

Journalistic standards (in Germany) often collapse when covering Israel and Palestine

Understanding the Holocaust’s impact on German society requires recognizing that an estimated 500,000 Germans directly participated in the genocide. It also required the tacit or active consent of millions more. After the war, denial and amnesia prevailed. Many Nazis, especially in West Germany, were quickly reintegrated into political, institutional, and cultural life. It wasn’t until the 1970s and 1980s that Holocaust remembrance became deeply embedded in German society.

The current problem is that state and political institutions often equate fighting antisemitism with uncritical support for Israel, seen as a sanctuary for Jews. In 2017, the German government adopted the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which heavily emphasizes on criticism of Israel. Numerous state-sponsored institutions promote near-unconditional support for Israel as a matter of Staatsräson (reason of state), making criticism of Israel’s war crimes against Palestinians extremely difficult in Germany.

German society was slow to comprehend the scale of what is happening in Gaza

Media outlets owned by the powerful Axel Springer publishing house — such as BILD and WELT — along with much of public broadcasting, have reported one-sidedly in favour of Israel. Journalistic standards often collapse when covering Israel and Palestine. Politicians, academics, and even the Israeli embassy aggressively target critics of Israel’s actions, even accusing Jewish intellectuals of antisemitism for opposing Israeli policies. People have lost jobs over social media posts critical of Israel. Speaking out or participating in protests now takes great courage.

German society was slow to comprehend the scale of what is happening in Gaza. Amnesty International’s December 2024 report concluded that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza, but referencing this in Germany can get you accused of antisemitism. Recently, however, public opinion has shifted: a survey showed only 32 percent of Germans support continued arms shipments to Israel, while 51 percent are against and 17 percent remain undecided. In May, even the new conservative Chancellor Friedrich Merz distanced himself from Israel’s actions — a reversal from his previous full support. Speculation abounds: is it public pressure, influence from EU countries like Spain and France, or concern that the International Court of Justice may rule Israel guilty of genocide, potentially implicating Germany for complicity? Germany is Israel’s second-largest arms supplier after the USA.

Die Linke additionally adopted the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism, which explicitly states that criticism of Israeli policy is not necessarily anti-Semitic.

DIE LINKE is a pro Palestine or a pro Israel party?

In Greece, we’re under the impression that Die Linke supported Israel during the Gaza offensive (which we consider a series of war crimes including apartheid, ethnic cleansing, and genocide). Can you explain the party’s official stance, especially since Rosa Luxemburg Foundation is committed to social and political analysis? Has this stance changed since 2023?

Initially, Die Linke struggled to articulate its stance on the Gaza war in autumn 2023. As an anti-fascist party, fighting antisemitism is central to its identity, making many leftists in Germany historically hesitant to criticize Israel. Nonetheless, Die Linke has never supported Netanyahu’s right-wing government. Immediately after Israel’s October 2023 offensive, the party’s executive committee called for a ceasefire. Official policy has long supported an end to the West Bank occupation and other pro-Palestinian positions. However, the party’s voice was not loud, and some prominent members publicly contradicted official positions, creating confusion.

The (DIE LINKE) congress also demanded compliance with International Court of Justice decisions, including the arrest of Netanyahu

In recent months, clarity has emerged. At the October 2024 party congress in Halle, a strong majority adopted a detailed position based on international law and human rights. It called for an immediate ceasefire, humanitarian aid, an end to arms deliveries, the end of occupation of all Palestinian territories, and recognition of Palestine within the 1967 borders. The congress also demanded compliance with International Court of Justice decisions, including the arrest of Netanyahu.

At the May 2025 congress in Chemnitz, Die Linke reaffirmed this position and additionally adopted the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism, which explicitly states that criticism of Israeli policy is not necessarily anti-Semitic. This move directly contradicts the IHRA definition used by the German government. The decision drew attacks from Israel’s embassy and right-wing media, but was welcomed by progressive intellectuals at home and abroad.

Some pro-Israel voices, such as former Berlin party leader Klaus Lederer, have left the party. The new Bundestag parliamentary group includes many outspoken pro-Palestinian figures. Die Linke is now more visible in protest movements. Just recently, Die Linke MP Cansın Köktürk was expelled from the Bundestag by Speaker Julia Glöckner for wearing a sweater with the word “Palestine.”

DIE LINKE as the only pro immigrant parliamentary party in Germany

Die Linke is the only pro-migrant voice in the Bundestag. What challenges does the party face, given that all other parliamentary parties have adopted anti-migrant positions?

Germany has been shifting rightward for years. The far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) polls over 20 percent nationally and is leading in some states. In Saxony-Anhalt, it could win a majority next year. The AfD openly advocates the mass deportation of foreigners, euphemistically called “re-migration.” The CDU under Friedrich Merz has adopted similarly aggressive rhetoric. Merz campaigned on stopping “illegal migration” and deporting rejected asylum seekers — vowing to continue despite court rulings against such plans.

Unfortunately, Even the SPD and Greens support tightening migration rules. They back the EU’s Common European Asylum System (CEAS), introduced last year. Die Linke is the only party opposing these restrictions. In the February elections, it did well by focusing on social justice, class issues like affordable housing and progressive taxation, and a clear anti-fascist, anti-racist message.

This resonated especially with young people and migrant communities. About 21 million people in Germany (25 percent of the population) have a migration background. Twelve million have lived in Germany for over 15 years but lack voting rights. Die Linke proposes granting voting rights to those who’ve lived in the country for five years with legal residency.

The party’s main challenge is showing that Germany’s social issues stem not from migrants, but from neoliberal capitalism. Die Linke promotes unity through class struggle, especially in sectors like healthcare, where it’s clear that without migrant workers, the system would collapse.

Why German parties moved towards the far right

Do you think the anti-migrant stance of other German parties is a response to the AfD’s success, or part of a broader global trend influenced by Trump, the alt-right, and neoliberal/far-right governments in Europe?

I believe the rise of the far right in Germany reflects both European and global trends. What’s most concerning is the alliance of traditional conservative and former liberal forces with the extreme and even fascist right. Trump’s Republican Party is the model.

Many fear the CDU could eventually ally with the AfD, at least at the local level. There’s ideological affinity: figures like Alexander Gauland and Erika Steinbach came from the CDU. Opportunism plays a role, too — conservatives may ally with the far right to retain power, as seen in Austria. Scholars like Ishay Landa have rightly emphasized the connection between fascism and (neo-)liberalism. Javier Milei’s radical neoliberalism in Argentina exemplifies how these ideologies merge.

We are seeing a sharp erosion of rights — freedom of speech or the right to protest

The key question is: under what conditions would political and economic elites support extreme-right or fascist movements? They would likely do so to block any significant leftward shift. Macron’s policies in France demonstrate that elites often prefer authoritarianism over threats to their power.

Can the left in Europe react to the right-wing trend?

Is the future of Europe grim, considering the rise of far-right and neoliberal parties? Or do you remain optimistic about a resurgence of the Left?

I fear democracy is under real threat in Europe. I don’t think we’re heading toward classical fascism or dictatorship like the juntas of the past, but we are seeing a sharp erosion of rights — freedom of speech, the right to protest, etc. Germany’s crackdown on Palestinian solidarity is a clear example. New technologies like AI offer authoritarian governments powerful tools for surveillance and manipulation — more effective than brute force.

The European Left is in a difficult spot. We must not only defend rights but also present a credible democratic socialist alternative. Fighting injustice alone is not enough. There will be no miracles — but the Left can regain relevance by improving people’s concrete living and working conditions. That must be our priority.

The news-follow up, in the wake of the interview

Council of Europe Human Rights Commissioner Michael O’Flaherty has sent a letter to Germany’s Interior Minister Alexander Dobride.

“Since February 2025, Berlin authorities have imposed restrictions on the use of the Arabic language and cultural symbols during protests. In certain instances, such as the demonstration held on 15 May 2025, marches were limited to static gatherings. Additionally, protestors have reportedly been subjected to intrusive surveillance—both online and in person—and arbitrary police checks,” O’Flaherty stated.

“I am deeply concerned by allegations of excessive force used by police against demonstrators, including minors, which in some cases led to injuries. The use of force by law enforcement must adhere to the principles of non-discrimination, legality, necessity, proportionality, and precaution,” he further added.

“I am concerned by indications that the working definition of antisemitism adopted by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) is being interpreted by some German authorities in a manner that equates any criticism of Israel with antisemitism,” O’Flaherty wrote.

The points made by Boris Kanzleiter in our interview have been verified by the European Commissioner for Human Rights.

Boris Kanzleiter directs the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s Office in Greece. He was previously director of the foundation’s Belgrade Office and director of its Centre for International Dialogue and Cooperation, as well as a member of Die Linke’s International Commission. He holds a PhD in History and specializes in the contemporary history for the former Yugoslavia.